Summary of mlk letter from birmingham jail

Martin Luther King Jr. was an American activist renowned for his leadership in the Civil Rights Movement during the mid-20th century in America. Belonging to the African-American community, the eminent church leader practiced rhetoric of non-violence to push forward his cause and believed in the power of civil disobedience to remove all segregation policies.  He writes this letter from the Birmingham jail where he was imprisoned for his participation in the “non-violent demonstrations against segregation” as a response to a public statement issued by some “white religious leaders of the South.”

King Jr. addresses the religious leaders who issue a statement that claims his actions to be “unwise and untimely” and proceeds to respond reasonably and patiently. He dismisses the allegation of coming to Birmingham without any proper cause by substantiating the invitation he and his staff receives for a “non-violent direct action program” in the city as a Christian leader. Apart from the social need, his personal motive to eradicate injustice from the soil of Alabama drives him to Birmingham. He maintains that none of us can be free if all are not free in a country because humans and all communities are interrelated. Afro-Americans’ status as ‘outsiders’ is a “narrow, provincial…idea” that needs to crash down. The hypocritical stance of the religious leaders condemning the demonstrations comes to the fore when King Jr. presents a mirror to their statements interrogating the absence of a “similar concern for the conditions that brought the demonstrations into being.” The demonstrations then become the last resort for the African-American community as the “white power structure” especially the Church leaves him with no other alternative. Facts pertaining to Birmingham as “the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States” along with “ugly records of police brutality” renders the activist’s agenda a firm ground. King Jr. also argues that it is the lack of any peaceful negotiation by the political leaders and not the non-violence resistance that results in the tumultuous chaos in the city which should worry the whites.

Later, he recounts the negotiation by economic leaders and expresses his despair over their broken promises. This fuels his passion for presenting the case in full flesh which leads to various workshops on non-violence as a means of preparing themselves to bear the blows “without retaliating.” But due to the elections, they postpone their day of action repeatedly until the rope of endurance couldn’t sustain the period of longing. This highlights their preparedness which is far away from any irresponsible action as accused to be. King Jr. also throws light on the decision to employ direct action rather than a negotiation. According to him, direct action such as marches and sit-ins create a compelling environment to influence the parties who refused to engage earlier. The tension created is necessary and not dramatic to achieve the aim of racial equality and a chance for a “dialogue.”

To respond to the charges of an “untimely” action, King Jr. expounds on the bitter truth of waiting that his men have been hearing for years without any end. The brutal violence— both physical and emotional cannot wait any further. The farcical political and legal systems of America are responsible for the endless deaths of black men and women who are accused of crimes never committed. Due to the prevalence of various biased laws, non-conforming to them crops naturally is the only available option. 

Further, he redefines laws in a more humane way by drawing a difference between just and unjust laws. While the former aligns with morality and the upliftment of human souls, the latter flouts all moral dictates and degrades humanity. The disparity between majority and minority rises in the case of unjust laws because the imposing community does not allow that law to legally bind itself. Unjust laws also come into existence only when it is not democratically formulated, like the segregation schemes which the blacks are expected to follow but did not participate in its legalization. And when the individual decides to fight for the basic rights of survival, his/her acts are declared violent and irresponsible. 

King Jr. expresses his position of in-betweenness that he occupies with a group of complacent black men ignoring the segregation regime and opting to be silent spectators due to the internalization of the complex; the other more militant group is ready to take up arms to abolish segregation. The author wishes to be neither compliant nor violent to achieve his aim and the only way out he foresees is “love and non-violent protest.” Protests and marches should be allowed as they enable the American black man to release his pent-up frustration buried inside for years without an overt display of violent agony. But this brands him as an “extremist” and King Jr. explicates that his extremity is for love and not hate by referring to great figures from history who proposed to go the extreme for the noble cause such as Jesus Christ, Abraham Lincoln, John Bunyan and many more. 

The series of allegations against him distress King Jr. for he thinks himself to be too optimistic but at the same time appreciates some white men who support the African Americans in their quest and they extend that support through real participation in various demonstrations. But his disappointment with the white church is not invisible. As a religious leader himself, he traces the faults the religious system harbors that accelerate the injustice against the blacks. Few white ministers support desegregation because it is the law rather than believing blacks to be their fellow citizens and thus brothers. The decision to seclude the gospel from social issues is the safe way by which religious leaders guard themselves against any responsibility. 

The American population of the 20th century, especially the youth is losing its faith in the church, and King Jr.urges the structure to “recapture its sacrificial spirit” and avoid losing its “authentic ring.” He presses on the infallibility of his community’s cause and struggles by calling out to the successes of the past for a hopeful future. African-Americans endured slavery and have been in America before the nation achieved its freedom from colonization. If they have sustained these evil forces, they can stand the contemporary opposition. 

The leaders who praise the police department for preventing violence are immune to the cruel treatment they mete out to the blacks in the jail, devoid of all humanity and the author refuses to participate in marveling at the bravery of the police when his own men are bitten down by the former’s dogs. The letter ends with King’s modesty as he acknowledges the length of his written response to the allegations against him and even asks for forgiveness for his understatement/overstatement of the truth, subtly ending on the note of urgency concerning the religious sects to view things in clear light. 

The letter’s primary concern is to redefine religion which is otherwise blind in its institutional and systematic operations and sadly tends to ignore its ethical dimension. As a powerful structure, the Church possesses the power to dominate ideologies and thus could be a successful force for uplifting the African-Americans and aiding their struggle. However, the church has lost its magnificent stature according to King Jr.and this disappointment aligns with what Frederick Douglass also shared in his speech a century ago from the date of this letter’s inception. The church should support the anti-segregation non-violent protests instead of condemning them and participate actively in the racial struggle. America as a nation should represent the oneness and acceptance of all races because it is “caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny.” The life of all the citizens is interconnected and hence, there cannot be a monologue alone to free the southern land but a hopeful dialogue for the same. 

Passivity is a strict no for the author who wants the whites to realize the injustice black men are facing and thus the latter’s non-reliance on time is what he advocates. Time spent well in a productive fashion will only bring one closer to his/her goal and idly waiting for the time to pass is not a solution. He also addresses his difficult position between the two sides of black men where one chooses to be silent and ignorant towards the injustice and is a victim of the false consciousness which is a Marxist notion. It explains how the proletariat believed their fate to be their lot and thus adjusted to their poor circumstances until they decided to revolt. Similarly, the oppressed African-Americans have been compelled to believe in the superiority of the whites in America. The other group is non-cooperative ready to fight men believing bloodshed to be the last resort. 

Even though King is in prison, he maintains an optimistic tone throughout the letter and responds to his allegations orderly with references from history and factual truths along with rhetorical reasoning to support his claims and make a strong case for his non-violent campaign. 

Letter from Birmingham Jail | Rhetorical Analysis

Martin Luther King Jr. was a gifted speaker and an exceptional orator who exhibits his power of rhetoric in this letter. He begins his tract with a satire on the premise of the letter itself as a task he does not often engage in i.e. to justify himself against criticism because he “would have no time for constructive work [otherwise].”  

A series of analogies follow next to put his actions on the moral and just side of the spectrum: “Just as the eighth-century prophets left their little villages and carried their “thus saith the Lord” far beyond the boundaries of their hometowns; and just as the Apostle Paul left his little village of Tarsus and carried the gospel of Jesus Christ to practically every hamlet and city of the Greco-Roman world, I too am compelled to carry the gospel of freedom beyond my particular hometown. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call for aid.” By invoking great mythical and Biblical figures, King Jr. ascribes noble and moral purpose to his motive and actions in the Birmingham campaign. Next, he compares the non-violent tension created by his demonstrations with the Greek philosopher Socrates’ work: 

“Just as Socrates felt that it was necessary to create a tension in the mind so that individuals could rise from the bondage of myths and half-truths to the unfettered realm of creative analysis and objective appraisal, we must see the need of having nonviolent gadflies to create the kind of tension in society that will help men to rise from the dark depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of understanding and brotherhood.” 

Civil disobedience is not a novel practice that requires strict actions on the political and social front but an old and rather more unwarlike endeavor to present a case when everything else fails. Through citing historical successes, King Jr. asserts that he is on the right path: 

“It was seen sublimely in the refusal of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego to obey the laws of Nebuchadnezzar because a higher moral law was involved. It was practiced superbly by the early Christians, who were willing to face hungry lions and the excruciating pain of chopping blocks before submitting to certain unjust laws of the Roman Empire. To a degree, academic freedom is a reality today because Socrates practiced civil disobedience.”

The claim of violence predicting all the protests is illogical and uncalled for according to King Jr. as he cross-examines examples from history. He twists the situation to leave anyone reading the letter speechless. The use of a series of Isn’t this like before every sentence is a classic use of anaphora – 

“Isn’t this like condemning the robbed man because his possession of money precipitated the evil act of robbery? Isn’t this like condemning Socrates because his unswerving commitment to truth and his philosophical delvings precipitated the misguided popular mind to make him drink the hemlock? Isn’t this like condemning Jesus because His unique God-consciousness and never-ceasing devotion to His will precipitated the evil act of crucifixion?” Why will the man withdraw from his struggle to gain his basic rights just because it leads to violence? Violence is a consequence because the rights are denied and it is unfair for the legal courts to caste biasness. 

Along with analogy is the use of allusion to great theories and philosophies released by widely read theologians and philosophers who have survived the ravages of time. King’s assurance about the groups being more immoral than the individuals is a notion that American theologian Reinhold Niebuhr proposed. This then enforces the whites as a community who shall never give up their privileges. Additionally, “…justice too long delayed is justice denied” is the popular legal principle that facilitates the functioning of judicial and legislative systems throughout the world but somehow is trapped in the manipulative American courts. Activists like Martin Luther King Jr. peruse the teachings and notions of most followed people to give weight to their argument as well as credibility. It also allows them the power to blatantly highlight the failings of society such as the distinction between just and unjust law and St. Augustine’s conception that ‘“An unjust law is no law at all.’” King points to the Supreme Court Laws that legitimize segregation and thus breaking unjust laws should be a valid course of action. Even St. Thomas Aquinas too believed that “an unjust law is a human law that is not rooted in eternal and natural law.” 

He also adduces the famous notion of freedom by the Indian nationalist Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak who gave out the popular slogan “Swaraj is my birthright and I shall have it” to instill the idea and determination in the nation to fight for its independence. For the African-Americans, freedom is their birthright too and they deserve to be free from the shackles of discrimination, segregation, and all other kinds of violence: 

“The urge for freedom will eventually come. This is what has happened to the American Negro. Something within has reminded him of his birthright of freedom; something without has reminded him that he can gain it.” 

Segregation and discrimination dehumanize the subjugated men and create unnecessary hierarchies. Religiously, separation is equivalent to sin which Martin Buber, the great Jewish philosopher proposed: 

“Segregation substitutes an iI – it’ relationship for the ‘I – thou’ relationship and ends up relegating persons to the status of things. So segregation is not only politically, economically, and sociologically unsound, but it is morally wrong and sinful. Paul Tillich has said that sin is separation. Isn’t segregation an existential expression of man’s tragic separation, an expression of his awful estrangement, his terrible sinfulness?” 

Also, the anaphoric style of interrogation placed King Jr. among the most remarkable men of his day. Without losing his calm, he comes forward with instances, especially pertaining to religion to deliver the unsaid and turn the tables on his accusers: 

“Was not Jesus an extremist in love? — “Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, pray for them that despitefully use you.” Was not Amos an extremist for justice? — “Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.” Was not Paul an extremist for the gospel of Jesus Christ? — “I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus.” Was not Martin Luther an extremist? — “Here I stand; I can do no other so help me God.” Was not John Bunyan an extremist? — “I will stay in jail to the end of my days before I make a mockery of my conscience.” Was not Abraham Lincoln an extremist? — “This nation cannot survive half slave and half free.” Was not Thomas Jefferson an extremist?” 

Quite smoothly, he brings everyone under the same category of extremists by extending their acts to the notion of positive extremism and thus dismisses the white religious leaders for their accusations. It is the hypocrisy and deeply embedded discrimination that produces a contrast between America and the rest of the world where the “nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward the goal of political independence, and… [America] still creep[s] at horse-and-buggy pace toward the gaining of a cup of coffee at a lunch counter.” America is the superpower that the whole world looks on to but it is this duplicity that frustrates King Jr. and disheartens him as well. He appeals to the emotional intelligence of the people (pathos) who will read the letter by evoking images of brutality and injustice against the African-Americans—

“But when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim; when you have seen hate-filled policemen curse, kick, brutalize, and even kill your black brothers and sisters with impunity; when you see the vast majority of your twenty million Negro brothers smothering in an airtight cage of poverty in the midst of an affluent society; when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your six-year-old daughter why she cannot go to the public amusement park that has just been advertised on television, and see tears welling up in her little eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see the depressing clouds of inferiority begin to form in her little mental sky, and see her begin to distort her little personality by unconsciously developing a bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct an answer for a five-year-old son asking in agonizing pathos, “Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so mean?”; when you take a cross-country drive and find it necessary to sleep night after night in the uncomfortable corners of your automobile because no motel will accept you; when you are humiliated day in and day out by nagging signs reading “white” and “colored”; when your first name becomes “nigger” and your middle name becomes “boy” (however old you are) and your last name becomes “John,” and when your wife and mother are never given the respected title “Mrs.”; when you are harried by day and haunted by night by the fact that you are a Negro, living constantly at tiptoe stance, never knowing what to expect next, and plagued with inner fears and outer resentments; when you are forever fighting a degenerating sense of “nobodyness” — then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait.”

 King Jr. confirms the double consciousness of black men as they face a split and fragmentation in their identity when they indulge in self-questioning and an inferiority complex. The dehumanization and infantilization now urge them to break away from the stoic endurance to wait and fight for their rights. So far, we can see that the use of pathos, ethos and logos as a means of persuasion in the abovementioned line is carried out very effectively by Luther in his Letter from Birmingham Jail. 

The public statement to which the author is writing back criticizes his acts as illegal to which the latter affirmatively admits the allegation only if it is deemed illegal to work towards the betterment of an oppressed community. In an ironic allusion to Hitler’s Germany, King Jr. presents his contemporary scenario: “We can never forget that everything Hitler did in Germany was “legal” and everything the Hungarian freedom fighters did in Hungary was “illegal.” It was “illegal” to aid and comfort a Jew in Hitler’s Germany.” America too is walking down on a similar trajectory where to do the ethical is considered wrong and against the rule. The author concludes with an antimetabole, that it is “wrong to use immoral means to attain moral ends…[but]…it is just as wrong, or even more, to use moral means to preserve immoral ends” and puts his ethical progression to rest.